The Welshman

STATE OF WALES AND OF IRELAND. [From the Planet oflast Saturday.] "When Sir Robert Peel assumed the reins of power in this country, it was declared of him that he was a states- man so wise, so prudent, so cautious, and so good, that men might calculate with certainty that as soon as tIn- efficiency of liis government was experienced, the peoplE would be Gjjntented, the law respected, happiness uni- versally diffused, satisfaction generally expressed, and real tranquillity experienced in every county, in every province, aye, and in every homestead in the empire. Ine rich were to be satisfied by their government, for it was they who made it, and the poor were to be appeased by it; vvhdsi the government of the middle classes—for such in the first instance, had the "Whigs been—would have been despised when contrasted with the bold anci the good men who had succeeded them. We are now upon the thi,esh.,Id of the fourth session, which sees Sir Robert Peel in office, and 1chat is the stain of the Sir Pi2el ir, a-.i,-?cltat is tite s,?ct t ?,, of tbc We shall not look abroad—there is time enough here- after for that. We shall not glance at Scotland, with its once popular Church, converted by the Foreign Se- cretary of Sir Robert Peel into an Establishment nearly as unpopular as that which exists in Ireland. We shall, for the present, look only to Wales and to Ireland first because the former has, at an unusual season of the year, been made to feel the rigour of the law and the latter is now subjected to a state trial unparalleled in the annals of criminal jiirispi-udene, and, next, we allude to them, because Wales has for more than a cen- tury been distinguished for its loyalty and its tranquilli- ty; and also because Ireland, from the accession of her present Majesty, to the moment Sir Robert Peel came into power, was remarkable for an enthusiastic loyalty, a chivlrotls devotion to Queen Victoria, that ir. its exu- berant and ardent eifu6ion seemed to overturn that steady quiet sentiment towards the house of Ilanover, for which the English people have been characterised since the days of the revolution. it is not our desire to be considered as the panegyrists or the supporters of the Whigs; but whatever were their faults, it cannot be denied, that they knew much better how to keep the Empire safe, and to "maintain the peace," than those who succeeded them under the pretence that they were more clever, more competent, and more able, as administrators of the powers of the Crown. In instituting a comparison between \Viiigs & Tories, in this respect, we must not be forgetful that the Whigs had, in Wales, greater difficulties to contend against than the Turies. There were, in the reign of the Whigs, the same just causes fur popular discontent which prevail in Wales at this nicinent but to this there were to be superadded the mad notion that then prevailed amongst the Chartists, that they were capable, by force of arms, by numbers, and by weapons, to win for themselves those rights and privileges which they deemed essential to good government. This notion was not-a vague one, it produced outrage and a Newport re- bellion. The outrages were punished, the rebellion was suppressed in about a quarter of an hour, and then Wales returned to its former habits of peace. It so continued until the Tories came into power, and then- then began the Rebecca riots. What says that most -tn,-wit h re f erence to the real able paper,—the Welshman,—-with reference to the real nature of those riots, and the causes of them :— The grievances of which the people complained were not fanciful ones; neither were they slight ones. That they were great has been generally admitted—admitted by her Majesty's Government -by Parliament by the Royal Commission of her Majesty's Com- missioners-by the acting Lord Lieutenant of the county --in short, it has been universally admitted. These grievances ought to have been effectually redressed by the proper persons. They were not reulressed-and the consequence was, that the poor, untutored farmers who did not know the right way to go about getting a re- dressal of economical wrongs and hardships, went the wrong way. The mode employed by the farmers was the primitive mode ofa primitive people it-was not that of wary lawyers, or of instructed politicians; it was not the mode any men in any country more advanced than themselves would have employed. Their primitivencss and almost Arcadian simplicity was their misfortune the fault is to be found lying at other men's doors-and most persons will think with us that the jobbers, the whole venal crew spread over South Wales, together with such of the justices as are ill qualified for the offices they fill, were the original transgressors, and are most to be blamed. The first are just objects of pity; the latter of the severest censure and reprehension, to which expression can be calmly given." Can there, we ask, be anything more strongly condem- natory of a body of persons daring to call themselves a Government, than the preceding paragraph? Griev- ances are, known to those who havc the po ver of re- dressing thcm, permitted to cxit. They are thus far sanctioned, and tolerated by the authority cf the Crown, and then, when they lead to riot, there is placed in the hands of those who indict the wrong, .the means of prolonging it, and of punishing these self-made vic- tims. Can it be a matter of surprise, if a legacy of dis- content is left to the country that Wides became another Ireland, and that, like the latter unfortunate country, its villages be converted into barracks, and its cities into garrisons ? We shall not attempt to trace out, as it has been so admirably done by the Editor of The Welshman, the different phases which Rebcccaism assumed in South Wales; but still there is one point, which bears so etrong a similitude to what is at this moment occurring. in Ireland, that we cannot forbear referring to it. In alluding to the sentences passed by Mr, JusdcC:Cresswdl, and the Juries by whom the verdicts were found, these comments are made :—■ We regard some of the sentences passed by Mr Justice Cresjweil at the assizes just terminated, as se- vere, unnecessarily severe. We do think so. We know that in opposing our own judgment on this point against that of perhaps a majority amongst the more prosperous class ?ii,,c',udin, the shopkeepers and the sman Squires) we shall lay ourselves open to the imputation ruferre? io in our foregoing article but believing we have truth and justice on our side, we should be fools as well as cowards if we were I afraid to own them, because of the currency or multitude of other men's opinions.' We proceed, then, in the course duty dictates and will say that if the convicted prisoners could have commanded the panoply of professional men which wealth alone can secure, and if also there were, as there ought to be, an appeal from a judge at assize to a court of record, it is within the limits of a not very remote probability that the sentences passed by Mr. Justice Cressweil might be mitigated. We may be told that Juries found the priso- ners guilty on sufficient evidence. They found them guilty no doubt on evidence, which they thought suffici- cut-under the direction of a judge, whose summing up against the accused certainly cannot be taxed with any partial, too clement bias towards the prisoners. But it is not less undeniable that although the verdicts were the jury's, the sentence was the judge's alone, the single judge's and it is 'one of the fundamental principles of our common law that no man shall suffer in his person or his goods by the judgment of one man.' As to the verdicts severally returned by the Juries, we have no disposition whatever to impugn them. They delivered them on oath; and—although both the Attorney- General and the learned Judge, intimated in distinct terms, how little the sanctity of an oath was to be de- pended upon, in this part ef the world, even that of people who bore an excellent character-no dGubt conscientiously and according to the opinions produced in their minds by the evidence, as well as by the speeches of learned counsel, and the summing up of a learned judge. We may further observe in relation to the juries in question, that we know nothing whatever, absolutely nothing, of the way in which they were struck. We desire to repllùiate distinctly any insinua- tion that they were packed, or that they were not as fair and good juries as ever went into a box. We should be ashamed of insinuating any thing of the sort, without bdngable to substantiate it by evidence, and we have none. We will even go further: we do not think the juries were packed. It were, however, dis- ingenuous to deny that juries have been packed- packed by the Sheriff in the first instance, and liy the prosecutors for the Crown in the next; for whatever offences assume a popular or political character, be it ever so little, the honour of the Government for the time being, and its principal law officers are concerned in getting a conviction, and the consequence of this f'3gcrness to uphold th-eir own. character, by securing the result desired, has been, \Yiho:;t question, shown by packing a jury." Thus far as to "Wales but what, then, is to be said with respect to Ireland ? When the Tories came into office, however, there was no portion of the United King- dom more devoted, more attached to the British Throne than Ireland, and this, though scarcely one of its cen- turies-hardened" grievances had been redressed al- though its laws, pretending to be for the security of property, were laws directed towards the insecurity oi life and liberty,-al:hough its inhabitants were at the mercy of the few, and those few could drive them on the road side, without bc¡ug made responsible through all efficient poor law, for their subsistence. There was not, f >r there could not be, contentment and miserable po- verty but there was peace, for there was no hope. If grievances were felt to exist, there was also the belief that there existed the desire in the Government to miti- gate them in the first instance, and finally to abolish. There were then few soldiers in Ireland—there are now thirty five thousand troops, and this, it is s:1.1,1, Lecau.-e it is expected that there will-be a rc-bellioii This is the doing of the Government of Sir Robert Peel. Varo, give, oh' give me back my leg;ons was the exclamation of the Emperor Augustus, when he heard of the des- truction of his soldiers in Germany, induced by the inefficiency of the government of his lieutenant. Well, indeed, may the Queen so address Sir Robert Peel it this in .ment. "Give, oh give me back the hearts of my I: isli subjects. Trey were mine until YOII, with your baneful sway, stepped between me and them." For tiieir farmer loyalty, devotion, and love to the British Crown, they have row cannon, f()rt, dragoons, and a State prosecution, so bungled and so mismanaged at its very outset, that in striking a Jury, the great body of the nation has felt itself wronged, and religious dissension is again evoked, to acid to the passions, and aggravate the sufferings of Irishmen. It is thus The Nation, the undoubted organ of popular feeling in Ireland, writes on the subject, and we should bear in mind, that every word we quote finds nn echo in the he don:, of nine tenths of the inhabitants of Ireland. The Crown had a right to refuse the witnesses' names—to demand (though the Crown did not get it) instantaneous pleading. The Crown has a wonderful number of rights but the noblest right the Crown has is, in its dealing with its subjects, and, through its officers, to challenge suspicion, and be above doubt. If it must put itself in opposition to the people, one should expect to find the greatest tenderness united with its strength—if it puts forth its arm to strike, it should also hear- if it looks for corn iction, it should be at the hands of men unsuspected as itself, and by means which would ensure it equal honour in defeat and vic- tory. What has been done in the great case ? In every instance where the Crown might have tendered indul- gence, it withheld it; where it might have shown noble forbearance, it manifested the most resolute deter- mination to insist on its abstract right-it conceded nothing, it forebore in nothing. But its boldest exploit was its solemn declaration—-in acts far more solemn than words—that it believes the Roman Catholics of Ireland are perjurers—that they are enemies to the Crown and the public peace—that where a charge is made against a set of men for seditious conspiracy against the empire, there a Roman Catholic is not a safe Juror-that, throwing aside the solemn sanction of his oath, he would borrow the cheap and easy con- science of his creed, and would acquit the accused, for the extraordinary reason, nut that the accused are all Catholics. for two of them are Protestants-bllt that he, the Juror, is a Catholic. The Catholics will meet to repel the foul and odious falsehood. It was to be ex- pected that they should and their requisition was one highy respectable, in the best sense of the word. They have justly argued that the conduct of the Crown- resting upon narrow right instead of broad common sense and generous feeling-,has been such as to alienate the affections of the Catholics from English Government in Ireland, to throw all the vacillating into the ranks of Repeal, and, most fortunately, to deepen and widen the national feeling that is now winning the whole people to itself. And so far 'tis well. Sir R. Peel carried the Emancipation Act. It remained with him as a states- man that his own measure—the child of his mature and repentant age—should not be an abortive act, giving a weapen to an angry people, not conferring a blessing on a grateful nation. If ho carried out his own policy, he should not be stopped there he should have treated the Catholic body as if it were in truth intended to admit them into possession of all the rights, trusts, liberties, and franchise of their countrymen. Having removed the Parish mark, and taken away the complexion ofslavery, it lay with a wise statesman to have justified his own rea- soning, and vindicated his own apostacy from his ancient prejudices, bigotries, and follies. ButSii R. Feel's his- tory is one of failures and concessions,—disgraceful failures and useless concessions. He has yielded enough to prove his own weakness, not to indicate either his wis- dom or his justice. But what could be expected from the man who rules through the means of an Irish fac- tion ? He denounced them as scoundrels but he uses them as tools. If he were in earnest to carry out his own act-if he were not, in another sense, as great a re- pealer of the Emancipation Act as Mr. Trashem Gregg, or any other hypocrite of the kind, would he tolerate such a monstrous piece of interference as the striking off all the Roman Catholics from the panel ? What is its excuse? What, is the excuse for declaring war against them again, and reviving the old spirit which, in '98, turned the Jury box into an arena for faction to do its disgusting work ?" Such are the feeling, which the government of Sir R. Peel has inspired by his misgovernment. These are not the things he promised us, when he compared him- self to a doctor, who defers administeri tg his certain cure for a body diseased, until he has received his fee. Sir Robert Peel has pocketed his fees over and over again, and where the exhaustion of distress existed before, he has induced the burning agony of fever and where there had been sorrow and calamity before, he has aggravated them by his quackery into the reckless, desperate, but hopeless struggles of insanity. Ireland and Wales test him as a ruler—and Rebecca and Repeal rise before him. He has called on the aid of law to quell them but like to a clumsy magician, he has so injured his work, that instead of the spirit which he conceived to be at his biduing being ready to obey him, it seems prepared to rend him to pieces. It is melancholy to see these things occurring. It would be deplorable. We may add, it would be disgrace- ful to conceal them; for we are of the opinion, so we expressed by the Welshman:—" We are believers in the beneficial agency of the press; and not only do we believe in its power for good, when that power is properly ex- ercised, not only do we consider it as a guardian of liberty, and an asserter of a nation's dearest rights, but we also think that as an impartial reviewer, a dis- passionate indicator, and a calm, uncompromising coni- j mentator on all public occurrences within the immediate circle of the paper's circulation, the agency of the public press is a public benefit—no matter whether the scene of such occurrences is laid in the Houses of Parliament, or in the Courts of Law, the ¡¡ell-spa Fer press acts upon them healthfuliy, conservatively, and altogether bene- ficia lly.

-—————— J* —. ) PETITION. THE FARMER'S BOY AND OTHERS.—The jury that found young Hugh and others Guilty, have signed the subjoined memorial. The document is defective, but that is not very material, as the merits are known not only by the government and the crown lawyers, with the learned Judge before whom the foolish rustics were tried; but by everybody throughout the country capable of distinguishing malice from meaningless masquerade, or of telling the difference between block- headism contraiy to law, and criminality calling for that condign punishment which neither humanity opposes, nor justice repudiates. We sincerely hope that the Home Office will not lose sight of the claims of the convicts in question to a commutation of'the very severe sentences passed on some of them. We shall say no more on the subject than that we have reason to believe, the Hon. Col. Trevor, the Vice-Lieutenant of this county, together with Saunders Davies, Esq., the other member for the county, with also the noble house of Cawdor, is not by any means indisposed to entertan the case with a view to the exercise of the royal prerogative. We now subjoin the memorial, a very weak and de- fective document we repeat, considering how strong a case in mitigation, if not indeed for a free pardon, they had in their hands, but the memorial is sanctified by the motives and by the goodness of the object contem- plated by its subscribers :— To the Right Na?MwaA/e Sir J??e! C?a.M?? her Ma- jesty's Secretary of State for the Home Department. The memorial of the undersigned, the several persons composing the common jury on the trials of John Hugh, David Jones, and John Hughes, at the Special Commission of Assize, recently held at Cardiff. Sheweth—That John Hugh, David Jones, and John Hughes, had a verdict of guilty against them by the undersigned memorialists, composing the jury on their trials, at the special commission recently held at Cardiff, and were sentenced, John Hughes to transportation for twenty years and David Jones and John Hugh to tran- sportation severally, for seven years. That the memorialists though in the honest and fearless discharge of their duty finding them guilty, beg to recom- mend them to the merciful consideration of her Majesty, on the following grounds :— 1st.—That the acts of which they were found guilty, were committed during a period of unusual excitement, caused by the pressure of ileavy local imposts, combined with the extreme poverty of the people. 2nd.—That a mitigation of the sentences passed on them, would have a beneficial influence on the mind of the population of the country, inasmuch as it would tend to enlist their sympathies with an administration of the law, which is characterised by a spirit of mildness, even in asserting its supremacy; and it would as the memorialists firmly believe, create confidcnce in, and strengthen the attachment to, the cause of order, ofa people who have hitherto been distinguished by their peaceable habits. The memorialists are strengthened in tixese theirviews on public grounds, by the consideration of the personal character of the parties under conviction. From the inquiries which have been made on his head, the memo- rialists tbcl, that they have up to the latc lamentable occurrence at Pontardulais, been inoffensive, quiet, in- dustrious people, and as such held in respect by those who knew them. On these grounds the memorialists most respectfully, but strongly recommend the case of the parties under sentence, to the merciful consideration of her Majesty's government; whilst the memorialists have fearlessly and I impartially discharged the high trust reposed in them by the laws of their country—they now in the same spirit pray that the further course of the law may be tempered by mercy-assurcd as the memorialists are, that such a course will have a powerful and favourable influence on the dispositions and feelings of the rural population of South Wales. The memorialists therefore pray for mitigation of the sentences severally passed upon John Hughes, David Jones, and John Hugh, tried and convicted at Cardiff, under the special commission. 5th Januarv, 18-41-. (Signed.) W:>t. JONES, (Foreman) WM. RICHARDS. JACOB JACOII, TUO:">fAS HElr, SAMUEL DAVIES, DAVm LKV/IS, THOMAS WILLIAM?, DAVID LK.WIS, I HILLIP TAYLOR, JOHN HOWE.

DEATH or SIR FRANCIS BURPETT.—It IS with un- feigned regret that we record the death of Sir Francis Bur- dctt, which took place at 4 o'clock on the morning of the :nnt inst. The deceased Baronet, who was born in 1770, was the sun of F. Burdett, Esci. he married, in 1 793, the .youngest daughter of the late Thomas Coutts, the banker, entered Parliament as Member for Borough- bridge in 1790, and in the following year succeeded his grandfather in" the Baronetcy. In 1807, he was elected for \V estminstPf, whidl city he continued to represent iill lS:-7, when lie was returned for the northern division of Wiltshire, oil the Tory interest. Early in life the de- ceased Baronet started as a Reformer, under the aus- pices of the well-known Home Tooke, whom he re- garded as his political Mentor, and at whose Sunday parties at Wimbledon he was always a favourite guest. His views of Reform were—f.r those lie bold- est and most uncompromising character and he advo- cated them, on every occasion, both within and without the walls of Parliament, with a manliness—an energy— a heartiness— and inflexible stubbornness of purpose that rendered him f.,r years the idol of the people. In 1812 he was committed to the Tower for having published some unpalateal.le truths respecting the constitution of the House of Commons, which the Ministry of that day chose to regard us a bieach of privilege; and oil this occasion a desperate riot toük place, in which several lives were lost. In 181!)-thc year of the Pcterloo massacre—Sir Francis Bardett indignantly denounced that atrocity, and the consequences was that he was brought to trial for libel in the Cotti t o," King's Bench, and condemned to imprisonment, and to pay a heavy fine of one thousand pounds. As an orator, Sir Francis Burdett, though not of the loftiest order, yet deserves to be mentioned with considerable respect. His manner was graceful, and at times, even dignified an air of impressive sincerity characterised everything he said; and his diction, without being florid or diffuse, was eloquent—-nervous—-impassioned—and as full of sound genuine Saxon English as the language of Shak- speare himself. Such was Sir Francis in his best days; and it is from the vivid and grateful recollection of his forty years' unremitted devotion to freedom, that we have been induced to touch thus lightly and briefly on the errors of his declining years.—The above is abridged from the Sim. A longer biographical notice will pro- bably appear in our next number.

PARLIAMENT. i THE COiliINti SESSION GRIEVANCES OF WALES. THE coming Session of Parliament will be opened before our next number is published. It is expected that the GRIEVANCES of SOUTH WALES will be discussed, and that the affairs of the Principality will occupy a more prominent position in Parliament than they have ever hitherto occupied. We have accordingly made such arrangements as are likely to ensure for The Welshman THE FULLEST AND BEST REPORTS OF EVERY DEBATE THAT WILL TAKE PLACE ON WELSH AF- FAIRS, AND THE GRIEVANCES OF THE PRIN- CIPALITY. As we never print a single paper more than we deem sufficient for the demand, those persons who wish to have The Welshman with the debates on THE GRIEVANCES OF SOUTH WALES will be pleased to ORDER IT IMMEDIATELY, so that no disap- pointment may be felt. The Parliamentary campaign will be opened next Thursday. A Quarter is the short- est period of Subscription recognized at this Office.

E, V." — W e are sorry to say the series offered is of too hi;jh a range for a country newspaper. "HUGH."—Reviewing was a misprint; "reviving" was the word written. ANTI-HUMBUG."—Try again. "A CARMARTHEN GENTLUMAN." Notwithstandin", the very extraordinary grammar and collocation of words by which the insinuation is characterized, its meaning is, we tliiak, tolerably dear. "A FRIEND' in Pembrokeshire is cordially thanked; the information is valuable. "n.Mr. L. WAS one of the most pungent writers" for the "Weishman" in "its libellous days." F. L. L."—An impartial writer must make his account not only with obloquy but wiih every species of petty perse- cution." To tell unbiassed truth is no less dangerous now perlums than it was in De Foe's time, when he said it was to decfare war" and to be attacked with slander. But surely no such considerations should prevent a man from doing his duty. "WELSH JOURNALISM" won't do. We know as well as the writer that there is something very offensive" in the tone in which controversy is CJuc.\uctcù, but we are not in the habit of stirring our fire with a golden poker, or talking illato to lacquies. Besides, when in Wales we mnst do as "Welsh journalism" does.

SUMMARY.— Our pen, perhaps, is not altogether very unlike a "seasoned" hunter; for it is always somewhat stiff at starting, and seldom if ever gets right well into its work until a good deal of ground has been galloped over. For this reason we always begin with a,"Summary," which, although the most serviceable article in the paper, is a thing that does not require either any extra- ordinary freedom of auctorial action,'or the completest coherence, but is done best by stuffing it full of facts, with some aspect-of-the-times sayings. Apropos of facts"—the Globe accords to it the importance of another great fact" —we see that the Council of the X a- tional Complete Suffrage Union have concluded to hold a meeting in London immediately at the opening of Parliament. The principal object of this meeting is to. make arrangements for uniting the support of all classes of Reformers, in furtherance of the proposal of the hou. member for Rochdale, to seek redress of grievances by moving amendments on Supply motions." The Noncon- formist, the accrcdited organ of Complete Suffrage, says, there is nothing to prevent the sincere and hearty ad- herents of each cause from fighting a successful battle for" five and twenty determined members ciNld, by a vi- gorous use of such means-means perfectly in accord- ance with the spirit of the constitution—bring our aris- tocratic rulers to a pause, and ultimately command their own terms." Why" (asks the Nonconformist) should ?ie N oneoiiforin i s, ) not each bring forward the special subject to which he attaches himself, as an amendment upon a motion for supply ? Why should not all, by previous friendly ar- rangement, so concert measures as to leave the minister no room for pushing forward what he is chiefly inter- ested in—the business of voting money ?" Leaving the Globe's great fact" for the" collective wisdom" on which it is intended to act, we observe an announcement, more than ordinarily distinct we think, proceeding from the Opposition organs, of the determina- tion of Lord J. Russell's party to givebattleto Sir R. Peel's party. The Opposition", sulkily observes the Standard, is invited to be prepared on the first night of the j session witn its whole strength,—advice which is well entitled to attention, if the feebleness of the party and the conflicting elements of which it is composed be con- sidered for if a. distinct motion' is to be made by this hybrid faction against the address, ire are told it is, should that document involve anything like approval of the policy of the Government, more than their whole force will hardly save them from the ridicule which must inevitably attend so hopeless an attempt. Lord John Russell will bring the condition to which he and his colleagues have reduced Ireland before the house within a fortnight after the commencement of the session. Nor will this be the only great fact' to which the attention of Parliament will be directed by him and his friends. The "cruel uncertainty which hangs over the agricul- tural interest, the pressure of the income-tax, the re- strictions on commerce,' &0., will occupy their attention in turn, should not the overwhelming defeat they will experience in the outset of the campaign render a pru- dent abstinence from further exposure desirable." Not- withstanding, however, all these boastful taunts, the Standard thinks the necessity of a prompt and punctual attendance in the House of Commons on the part of every Conservative member of the house was never more imperatively called for than at the opening of the forth- corning session. Another contemporary, contra, tells us that if Sir Robert s administration is not already in articitlo morli$, ought to be. "The plausible opening of Sir Robert Peet s auininistration, the Examiner dec ares. has come to a natural termination. Large promises have ended in small performances. Everybody is dis- appointed and perplexed. Sir Robert Peel cannot go- vern Ireland. Having, in conjunction with a noble col- league, obstructed everything, he finds not only that he can do no more than his predecessors, but that lie can do c-cil, d-o lc) mc,e ',i?s I)rc', nothing, save sending thirty thousand troops to govern for him. At home, his half-and-half reform of the Tariff satisfies neither landlord nor manufacturer," &c. What will Parliament do {" To prevent disappoint- ment let expectation be minimized. A contemporary who practically more than adopts this admirable rule, tells us that The House of Commons will turn a deaf ear to all complaints. Ireland will not get the deliver- ance she seeks—the free traders will not obtain a relax- ation of the commercial code the people will not secure for themselves an unrestricted franchise — dissenters will make no impression upon the state church-durill the ensuing parliamentary session." Another contemporary, rather otficial, and against all vulg tr impatience on the p.»rt of the people, even this Peelish paper tells '1S, that the Bank ofEngland's charter will be the only thin Parliament will deem it worth while thinking about His words are-" the Bank of England question, therefore, is the only one of the three wholly free from cwbarrass!1Jcnt and ripe for immediate adjustment; and a ground of lasting re- proach will indeed exist if it do not stand promi- nently out as a practical measure of the session." As to the Corn-laws, we are told truly enough, no one expects that the Minister will make up his mind between resignation and total repeal until lie is compelled to do so and for that at least a dissolution of Parliament is essential. Cold comfort this for a country, a great proportion of whose population are wholly unemployed & half-starved While we are speaking of Parliament, we may mention that Lord Clive, son of Earl Powi3, is to move, and Ir. Cardweil (C1itl1croc) is to second, the address in reply to the Royal Speech, in the Commons. "In the prospect of defeat," says the Globe, "the Tory- organs seek consolation in the Royal Speech at the opening of Parliament, which the ministers are now laboriously engaged in concocting for the occasion. The Dublin Mail says :—" We can state upon the most authentic grounds that the Speech to be delivered by her Majesty at the opening of Parliament upon the 1st ) of February, will contain a strong and pointed reference to the state of Ireland—to the organised system of agi- tation by which its peace has been disturbed, and the satelv of the Empire endangered and to the means adopted by her Majesty to vindicate the laws and main- tain the Union inviolate. Of the original Times-mule "great fact," the League, it is not necessary to add anything to what will be found In another part of our paper; and as to its opponent, the anti-le <gue, we really must doubt the declaration of the Staiitl,i d. Its severed paragraph, however, is a revela- tion eginning with the fabulous, but ending wi,h a truth after affirming that the anti-League is beginning to ass mica very-formidable aspect, and that it bids fair to bafHc 1:2 efforts oi' the League, follows the edmissun that be Standard "would have hailed the counter- move nerit with greater satisfaction, had it not afforded, in so ne instances, facilities to a few malcontents, am- bitious of the applause of a pseudo-conservative daily journa', and opportunities for misrepresenting the past (onduc, and future intentions of the government." Leaving both the Leagues and Parliament too, we may now just step into the Irish Court of Queen's Bench. We arc informed that although the State Trials are still the topic of general conversation, public interest res- pecting them seems to be almost concentrated in the result. With regard to the decisions of the Court en Saturday last, the Time* says they are considered rather important. The Deputy-Clerk of the Crown read at length the pamplet designated The Letters of the Secretary of the Loyal National Association, relative to the New Cards of Mem bers, by the author of the Green Book.' The admission of this evidence is said to establish the first connecting link of the conspiracy laid in the indictment, by making the traversers responsible, as members of the association, for the publication of the pamphlet just alluded to, and the documents headed, A Pian for the Renewal of the Irish Parliament," Instructions for the Appointment of Repeal Wardens and Collectors," Form for the Appointment of Repeal Wardens," A Proclamation relating to the Arbitration Courts," The Address of the Association to the Inha- bitants of Countries subject to the British Crown," Rules to be observed by Arbitrators in Districts," Arbitration Notices," and several others which ap- peared from time to time in the papers. It is said that there are yet a great many witnesses to be examined on the part of the Crown. Placards have been posted in Dublin of a most atrocious character, denouncing Mr. Hughes, one of the witnesses for the Crown, as a spy and an informer." A carefully condensed and comprc- hensive view of the proceedings down to the latest arrival from Dublin will be seen in our 4th page and the reader will find it readable—which is, we think, more than the busy class of men have yet found in other journals.

Al h h 1. Although a mere politician is no more to be com- pared to a true poet than a pin's head to a pine-apple, we all, of course, know that both the writer of ephemeral Summaries and the creator of Immortal Verse in the everlasting realms of light and love would be referred by a naturalist to one and the same genus of animals. The highest form of literature being thus dragged down to the lowest by the associative classification at which we have just glanced, we suppose no very unpardonable degree of presumption will be charged upon us if we venture to hint, that we ire much in the same situation as Lord Byron tells us he himself was. He had a pen in his hand ready to start, and so have we he only wanted a hero to write about, and we only want a sub- ject to write about; so the analogy is as close as may be and the logic of thing, we may add, will be found to be fully as good as that of our philosophical friend Fluellen, with whose inductive process, of course, every native of the Principality is perfectly well ac- quainted. Lord Byron wanted ahero and found Don Juan; we want a subject and have found forty, but out of the whole forty, there is not one that exactly suits us, squaring with our space, and, at the same time, satisfy- ing the reasonable requisition of all our reasonable read- ers. Ireland and the State Trials" it is true, appeal to us powerfully and prominently enough but our co- lumns are already well laden with this stock subject and besides, pending the prosecution, how could we be guilty of the gross impropriety of canv assing the con- duct either of the crown or the traversers ? The State trials, however, doubtless are the only State affairs which occupy the papers; and dull work we are per- suaded their writers find it, nor, to be frank, should we think their general readers find it much livelier. What then if in this caoe of undeniable need, we take up or rather glance at, (for we have time for nothing more) a topic which, in all seriousness, we believe to be amongst those of the greatest and most enduring importance that can possibly engage the attention of a good citizen and a rational man? The topic which presents itself to us is the CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY. The glance that we can give it, we repeat, must be but rapid, and the consideration necessary u:1 cl obviously a very incomplete one. We commence then by saying, that we fear the wretched condition of both the agricultural, and the manufacturing population of this country will admit of no denial. Excepting only those persons who possess fixed property, we are all worse off than ever. The condi- tion of the country, it is admitted on all hands, is calculated to alarm and pain every human heart and reflecting mind. We have got from bad to worse: and when we shall arrive by some violent uprising of the masses, some convulsive movement of the people, at the worst, or when, if ever, we shall see better days, are questions which nobody can undertake to determine. But the great fact" that stares us so sternly in the face, that scowls upon us so in all our speculations on the subject, is that we ara already Twenty Five Millions —there are already 25 million* of me-uths to ha filled every day, and we go on unintcrmi ttingly incrcasing our numbers in a ratio which it is no figure or phvase- of-course to call frightful." We say nothing of the asserted supremacy of the power of population over the power in the earth to produce subsistence for man, nor do we believe in it. We don't stop to notice the neces- sary national connexion that is supposed to subsist between the accumulation of great wealth, and the existence of extreme poverty. Neither have we any concern whatever with the dictum of the poet who wrote. Luxiis populates opum, Ltixtl-- POPulatos opuiii, Infe'.ix hutniligressu eomilatur egestas." We are here simply stating a fact, the undeniable fact of a vast, rapid, progressive increase in the great family of the United Kingdom, and the dreadful disproportion that exists between the quantity of food, and the num- ber of persons to be fed. England appears to us some- thing like the parent of a too large family, the members of which make demanls that cannot be mel-we can't support our family. The family does as well as it can, some of them fare better than others, and those who are worse off marry and intermarry until they all become beggars. Misery mates with misery, poverty is ever fecund, and that beggars breed much more rapidly than other people, we don't want the evidence of Mr. Doubleday to confirm. The poorer people are, the more children they have" is a fact known to the least philosophical; it is indeed a position so generally believed that it has passed into a proverb. According to the author of the" True Law of Population" whom we quoted last week, and also according to Mr. Chad- wick, "poor and insufficient feeding stimulates the march of population, or in other words, prolificness is in the ratio of the state of depletion. Be the range of the natural power to increase in any species what it may, the plethoric state invariablp checks it, and the dcpletllOric state invariably develops it; and this hap- pens in the exact ratio of the intensity, and completeness of each state, until each state be carried so far as to bring about the actual death of the animal or plant itself." Altogether then, we can hardly help thinking that unless the Condition of the Country be improved, it will become worse. We cannot long remain stationary-, the proportion between the multiplying millions of mouths and the quantity of food to fill them must either be brought into harmony, or there will be a mighty convulsion and upheaving society. A writer indeed of the Fourier school of wliicl by the way we know nothing, but that it deals in associative principles,") declares, on postulata nof perhaps wholly dissimilar from those which we have hinted at, that" things must grow worse in England before they can grow better." His reason for thinking so is, Because the working and the trading population are too numerous, in both the manufacturing and agricultural districts, to find employment for their labour, or an opening for commercial industry. Where one portion of the labouring class, in town or country, is unemployed and perishing for want of food, the natural consequence must be, and is, that they com pete with those who are employed, and offer to work longer hours for lower wages and this permanent competition in the labour and tiose -11() are market, between those who are in, and those who are out of employment, has a tendency to lower wages constantly, until the population is reduced to the necessity of b^ng led on coarse potatoes, clothed in filthy rags, and lodged in sickly huts and cellars, as facts demon- strate. The Farmers and small traders are too many, also, for their own prosperity. In towns tlic-y Lid against each other for the rent of shops and premises well suited for their business, until the rent they are obliged to pay, as well as taxes, eats up nearly all the profit of their industry, and leaves them poorer every year, and tuns they sink, in many cases, into bankruptcy and ruin. The Farmers Lid against each other for the land in rural districts, until rent is raised beyond all due proportion, and absorbs the greater part of all the produce. Where the condition of the labouring class has not grown worse than it was formerly, it has not grown better. There are, no doubt, a few exceptions to this general rule, a few coses in which labouring men have been amc to improve their circumstances but these exceptions do not tell against the rule they prove it by showing that the labouring classes, generally, are becoming poorer and more wretched every year and everywhere, in this "ountry, notwithstanding the known facts of a few of them having become wealthy or comparatively rich and the possibility of a few others being equally fortunate in future enterprise. But it is not of a few exceptional facts and possibilities that we are speaking. Our business is with the great majority, the general fact, which ehews that nearly all the working classes are becoming poorer in the midst of circuinstauccs which arc not unfavourable o a Lw," Well, can any thing be done to ameliorate the con- dition of the p(,.(,ple, and to avert the convulsion which must come, if their condition be not ameliorated ?— and, if any thing, what? How much can be done? and what is it ?" We answer, no doubt something may be done, a great deal indeed may be done, but it is easier to talk about it out of doors as well as in Parliament, and to appoint Commissioners of Inquiry, than to perform. Government can do a great deal, good government would do a great deal. It cannot though do Lalf so much as some persons imagine. No Government can banish poverty, and by the magic wand of office make all who live under it wise, and happy, and prosperous. Still, it is but. the puling of imbecility to pin faith to the fiction of the poet, who in his dreamy unreality ex- claims- How small of all the evils men endure, The part that kings or lords can cure." Sharp competition in every branch of industry, and the rapid multiplication of our species (neither of them at all unsocial or unnatural! and the former, moreover, obviously being but the result of the latter,) appear to constitute the great social malady which affects the Condition of the Country." Competition cannot be checked, in the present state of things, nor can popu- lation. No power on earth" justly observes the Spec- tator" can stop the march of competition. It is not merely from without that it acts, but within a lso: in- ternal competition is the intensest. Agriculture has been protected from external competition, which has kept up the apparent prices of its produce-made its wares not cheap but it has suffered from the internal competition in the eagerness to seize a share of that part of the blanket, rents have been offered higher and higher, until nearly the whole of the bit of blanket bought is confiscated under the name of rent, and the far- mers are as bare as any. There was no show of competition as to prices-though even that was delusive-but there was competition as to rents. Add, that so far as it has been efficient, the want of the stimulus to competition has made the farmers unenterprising, unintelligent, helpless. Indeed, where two are competing, a third cannot sulkily abstain for if he does he merely loses altogether. What protection' it realized has not availed agriculture to make it prosperous, but rather is its condition most disastrous of any and the efforts of the utmost ingenuity and pertinacity have after all failed to shield agriculture from the universal contest. So it is with all classes." The disease being determined, the question is whether it is curable and if so, by what means ? We have before hazarded an opinion that it is within the capabilities of government to alleviate the most painful and distressing, as well as the most dangerous symptoms of the disease, if not indeed the disease itself. In sooth, tbeveonverse of this opinion would be, we think, contrary to the known goodness of God, as drawn from the appearances of even nature itself, irrespectively of scriptural evidence the world and its millions were made by the Deity with a Benevolent design. There can of course be no doubt of that. With regard to the means of alleviation or removal, in our own power, some difference of opinion must necessarily prevail. One class of politicians are for reforming the Currency, a more rational section seek safety in reforming the Representation, while another loudly declares that a Repeal of the Corn laws would not only restore the condition of the country, but raise it to the point of perfectibility. Perhaps all these three mea- sures in combination (we were going to say, in nicely graduated combination," but one of them only admits of any graduation,) would go far to revive the drooping condition of the country. A perfectly free trade, few persons now deny, is an essential clement of British pros- perity and from this, with a. good system of Emigration, we might reasonably look for a less distressing and dangerous state of things than we have at present. The present state of things both appeals to our sympathies, and threatens our very existence as a great people and awful consequences must ensue if something be not soon done by the law-making class, to enable the Many to subsist. We do not think with the French writer before cited, that "the present system, if continued, must produce higher rents and lower wages," but neither to look to the constitution of parliament—not to render trade free—nor to establish a wise system of emigration, will be to invite REVOLUTION we shall have "fewer wealthy and more poor, until misery, and vice, and crime,expiode in sanguinary ruin." Of that we think there can be no doubt in the mind of any man who well and calmly considers the Condition of the Country.

Opposed to the old habits of the Welsh as the new Poor Law is, aud repu lsi ve to the feelings of all as it undeniably is in some of its features, we believe that not a little of the dislike felt to it, in the principality, arises from its mal-administration, and the incomplete way in which its provisions are carried out. A letter addressed to us by "A Tony, BUT NO JOBBKR," leads us to make this observation. By this letter, which will be found in another column, headed Carmarthen Lnion Curiosities," we learn some things so startling that if they had not been put beyond a!l doubt by the official, analytic advertisement of the Total Expenditure of the Poor Rates in the Carmarthen Union, which we publish to-day, we should have disbelieved in the possibility of. One of the curiosities exhibited by our correspondent is an item of Three Hundred and Fifty Three louncls,a sum lumped in, in unexplained, and probably inexplicable One-ncss. Another charge involves a principle, and is therefore of a more serious character, although the snm itself is something smaller. We mean the printing and sta- tionery item, the E126 or thereabouts, which a guardian of the poor is permitted to put into his own pocket. The guardian-printer may do the printing and supply the stationery as well, or even better and more cheaply than any other printer, but our correspondent says that all the Printing necessary for the purposes of the Union might be done for half the money." And, whether he is right or wrong, the fact of that belief being entertained is itself a proof of the impropriety of the sort of thing which he finds fault with. The person who at present does the printing, and supplies the stationery, would probably do so if it were the subject of contract as it ought to be; and for ourselves, we would just as soon see the business in one tradesman's hands as another: if anything, we would as a matter of feeling give a prefer- ence to the oldest concern. Our objection, of course, is that the law is contravened, and also that the printing ought to be done by contract. We might, of course, pursue this matter further, and trace the connexion between the unpopularity of the Poor Lawm Vi ales with its Imperfect machinery amongst us but we shall now say no more about the curiosi- ties of the Carmarthen Union" than that the Liberals" especially, not only in this borough, but in others, must get rid of the habit some of them seemingly have con- tracted of winking at jobs. Such connivance is bad enough in any man, or set of men. But if it should happen that Liberals look with favour on jobs that are made for Tory tradesmen, what is the inference ? "A word to the wise" however is enough.

We are not in the habit of apologising to people for anything from our pen that may not happen to be par- ticularly pleasing to them. But if we could be apolo- getic at all; now, doubtless, would be the proper time for we feel it necessary to place before our readers an extract from last week's Carmarthen journal.' It will be satisfactory, hoxceoer, for our readers to know that they may, for the future, count on exemption from the tedium and disgust of similar exhibitions for we, as well as they, think that print beneath notice. So strong indeed is our own conviction on the subject—so sovereign" is the "contempt" ice feel for it-that we have really almost a shrinking sense of self-abasement in being compelled to put ourselves on an equality with it, even for the single iiioiaert that will suffice for its chastise- ment and exposure. It is not only that its habits are bad and all its instincts low-it is not merely that Flunkihocd forms part and parcel of it, and that it shows that, for pence and profit, it would lick the shoes and spittle, or even kiss the [foot] of any patron—it is not merely that its habitual language is that of the butler's-pantry and the still-room, or the bombast of an ambitious barber, engrafted on the lingo of a coarse unlettered clown —it is not only because its conduct is un-erlitorial—and because its nature is ignoble, that we shrink from having anything to say about it but its lying" is so stupid, malignant, and enormous," as to sink the writer who resorts to it to the very lowest point in the social scale, and at the same time to cause in the mind cf the corrector the loathing which we ourseh eg now confessedly feel, and can hardly surmount. As, however, this is likely to be the last time we shall have to soil .our paper by exhibiting the meannesses and mendacity of this journal-man, we must not give way to taste and inclination, but begin the task. Well then, last week this Carmarthen 'journal' devoted its leader, its only one, to us. The writer began by saying :— "Our readers cannot have been inattentive observers of the attacks 1'1.11 have, for some time past, been levelled at the Public characters of the town. But they (?) have been assailed not only in their public capacities, their private and social -relations have been intruded Oli, and mmle the subject of abuse. These attacks have been repeated week after week. They have hitherto been treated with silence,—probably with contempt. But we know, that although the tooth of the serpent may not enter the bosom which is armed with conscious integrity, yet the sting of the wasp often produees pdf and irri tation. "The private and social relations" of the Public characters of the town" have been intruded on and made the subject of abuse" If Me public characters of Me town have ever been thus treated by the Welshman, all we can say is, that although we ourselves read as well as write every article in the paper, we have never seen any thing of the sort which is so awfully set forth against us. In another count we are charged with the same crime, only in other words, and intrusions on the privacy of domestic life" are declaimed on after what flourish the journalist can contrive to work up. We purposely avoid all notice of the puling nonsense the Carmarthen journal talked about the Public cha- racters" and Liberalism" having fostered the Welsh- man, as our only object is to deal with the monster mendacity, the larger lie, with that lie which accuses us of intrusions on the privacy of domestic life." We shall simply say that we have never done any such thing we are incapable of doing anything of the sort. To say nothing of that respect for others, respect alone for our- selves and our own consciousness would never permit us to confound the invasion of any person's privacy with the right of public discussion. Nor can we account for the low, barefaced mendacity of the man who is hardy enough to print and publish such a malicious libel-a libel which is only less malicious than false and stupid. The Carmarthen journalist however, himself, has com- mitted that very offence against good manners, which he has the cool impudence, the vulgar impertinence and marvellous stupidity to charge upon another. He has shown how sacred is his regard for another's home-he has shown it by entering with his splay foot and foul breath—by entering, not merely the privacy of another, but by actually intruding into what men hold most sa- cred. This most scrupulous and.conscientious Carmar- then journal has done this; he has done, what we in our plain way, have just described, but what, if we were to try to imitate his inimitable style of fine writing, we should characterise as a confluence and conglomerated mass of curdling instincts. We should say the ac- cusing angel of the Carmarthen journal has violated the sanctuary of man's Heart, spat on it, spat on it with blistered tongue-from a mouth out of which the black- est venom bubbled,—(with a flourish we should add) and as he thus spat on it with rabid scorn, he howled a fiend-like malediction We must not, however, permit the force of our erudite and refined contemporary's example, powerful and fine writer as he undeniably is, either to seduce us into an imitation of his singularly rich and racy style, or to prevent us from at once pushing aside the vomitory" of his "enormous lying". We have already disposed of his last assertio falsi; he may make as many more of the same kind as he likes we shall not take the trou- ble of again refuting their falsehood; as we said last week-he may toady and twaddle to his heart's content -HE MAY WRITE BILLINGSGATE, AND WEAR A SUR- PLICE IN PEACE FOR US. We don't, of course, mean anything we have just said in the course of these hurried remarks to ap- ply to "the PLAIN, straightforward answers" which we last week invited the insinuating gentleman of the "journal" to give nor do we intend to impose on our- selves unbroken silence at all times and on all occasions. Nobody will suppose that we are exactly going to gag ourselves we reserve to ourselves the right of expo- sure and castigation whenever we think proper to exer- cise it; but what we mean is, that a contemporary so flagrantly un-editorial in his controversies, as well as so notoriously incapable and contemptible in its conduct can hardly expect to be treated as an equal. And although for the sake of amusing our readers, we may, perhaps sometimes make an example of the progress of its ignorance-of the depth of its meanness and the breadth of its mendacity, we shall generally pass by it in contemptuous silence, as equally beneath the public's notice and our own. We have only further to observe for our readers' information, that the proceedings in Parliament will in a few days engage our attention, and enable us, Ice hope-without neglecting any topics of sterling local interest—to leave the miserable little- nesses of a small country town for the larger, and to us the infinitely more congenial sphere of National Politics. Since the foregoing 'reference was made to the vul- garities and "enormous lying" of the journal," we have heard—but we know not whether it be true or false, for there's always a tolerably large amount of mendacity afloat in certain quarters of Carmarthen—that the person who, all along for many years past, wrote for it, has at length ceased to have anything whatever to do with it. If this gentlemen have actually left the paper, he owes it to his character to publicly declare the fact. Our columns will be readily opened to him for that purpose. Meantime, it is but just to admit that, up to a very recent period, we have witnessed none of that un-editorial and licentious vulgarity, nor any of that lying and allusive personality which has been so offensively conspicuous in the columns of the journal" for a few weeks past. And if the stigma which at present attaches to the old writer, the gentleman alluded to, be undeserved, nobody will feel more pleasure in removing it than ourselves. We had always, until lately, thought him incapable of anything either un-editorial or ungen- tlemanly—we mean the leader-writer.

LATEST NEWS. I LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING. The subject of a weekly half holiday for the clerks and others employed in mercantile establishments, is attracting some attention in the City, and there is a probability of its being taken up in the right spirit. A liberal supply of the new silver coinage has this morning been placed in the hands of the London Bankers, by the Bank of England. The funds look steady again to-day, and the rates of Consols have been 97 to 07 j for money, and 97L for time. Bank Stock remains firm at 193jto 191; and India Stock has improved to 27711. Exchequer Bills are GIs. to 6Hs. prem.— Globe's City Article. COHN EXCHANGE (Tins DAY.)—The arrivals of all descriptions of corn since Monday are small, no altera- tion in the value of any article. ILLNESS OF THE LORD LIEUTENANT.—It is stated that Lord de Grey is suffering from severe indispo- sition, and that it is probable the levee, fixed for Wed- nesday (to-day), may he p;\stponed. METROPOLITAN DRAPERS' ASSOCIATION.—The se- cond annual meeting of this association, the object of which is to shorten the hours of business in the shops of the metropolis, by closing them at 7 o'clock, was held yesterday evening in the great room at Exeter HaM, under the presidency of Mr. Tennant, M. P. Resoluticns laudatory of the associati^ on, and pledging the meeting to exertions in its support, were proposed and carried unanimously; and the interests of the society were ably advocated by the chairman, Mr. Hindlev, M.P., Mr. Gumming, Mr- Hughes, Dr. Reid, Mr. Hitchcock, of St. Paul's Churchyard, and several other large employers. BUCKINGHAM CONSERVATIVE ASSOCIATION,-The annual dinner of this association took place yesterday, when the Duke of Buckingham presided, and the members for the county and about 3;}0 persons were present. The most striking feature of the meeting was bitter and unmitigated abuse of the Anti-corn-law League, which supplied a fruitful topic of oratorical dis- play to each speaker in succession. Ministers were dealt with somewhat better than usual, but were solemnly cautioned against any further advances in the principles" of free-trade, and reminded who placed them in ofifce. The meeting had not concluded when the report left Buckingham. ANTI-LEAGUE MEETINGS.—The most important meeting that has yet been held in opposition to the League took place on Monday, when about a thousand tenant farmers assembled at the George inn, Northamp- ton, together with Lord Southampton and the county members. Mr. Pain, the Duke of Buccleuch's agent, had authority from his own lips to deny that he had declared himself favourable to a free trade in corn. The various speakers emulated one another in their coarse abuse of the League. Pot-house meetings," "destroyers of property," "a pestiferous society," "ragamuffins," "diabolical conspiracy," arc a few of the choice expressions used by the gentlemanly" orators, in connexion with the Anti-corn-law League. The following allusion was made to Lord John Russell's visits to Earl Spencer by a Mr. Cartwright:—" It cer- tainly is a subject to be commented on, the number of visits recently paid by him to this neighbourhood [hear, hear.] It really seems as if something was brewing [loud cries of hear."] I hope the noble lord's visit will do Lord Spencer some good for if it be true that first impressions are the most lasting and the most correct, it is possible that Lrrd John Russell ijiay remind himself of his first impressions, and thus modify those which Lord Spencer has recently expressed" [loud cheers.] Lord Southampton said—We want the ministers to declare themselves, and I say they ought to be made to do so [loud cheers.] All shuftling ought to be out of the question [hear.] I am all for -declaring myself, and I hope that the numbers of meetings taking place in all parts of the kingdom will make the ministers declare themselves, and then we shall know the worst [hear.] About tl,000 was col- lected at the meeting, iiiclii,,Iing EIC)O from the Duke of Buccleuch. On Monday a meeting was held at Watham, Leicestershire, with a similar object. Letters of excuse were read from Lord Charles Manners, Mr, Christopher Tumor, M. P., the Hon. Stuart Wort- ley and the lIon. Mr. Wil son, who expressed their disapprobation of the course pursued by the League, and their best wishes for the success of the plan to be adopted by the meeting. A committee of twenty-one persons was appointed. [If the C-orn-Law Leagues arc abundantly imtc with Lord Spencer, they arc still nioie distrustful of Sir Robert Peel, as is evident by their speeches.]

CARMARTHEN PAVING AND LIGHTING.— [From a Correspondent.] — The I Welshman of last week had a letter about the salarips anll other thin D'S of the officers of the raving and Lighting people here, signed A Com- missioner." Said commissioner" said clerk's salary was too mnch, and he said a good many stupid tilings besides. Why does not this Commissioner" back his opinions in the proper place, and publicly, instead of snarling in a newspaper. I hope the Welshman will be on its guard against the admission of what may reflect on the character of more respectable people than a self- stvled Commissioner. Mr. Staccy's salary, instead of being too high, is too low a one. No SNEAK. Our cor- respondent's tone is, just and manly one we thank him too for the hint, and, retrenchment and reforming as we are, we think he is about right altogether. The services of no akid efficient functionary we should think could be obtained for less than £ o0 a year. Why what is the Clerk's salary ?—it is but servant's wages, and no suits of livery either.— Welshman,

ALLEGED INCEST IN CARMARTHENSHIRE. REVOLTING DEPRAVITY.—A case, most singular in its details, has just presented itself to our notice. It is a case in which a father has actually debauched his own daughter. The horrifying particulars have been elicited partly by the apprehension of Rachel Howell, the wife of the wretched father, and partly by the evidence of their neighbours. It appears that on the 30th of De- cember, Esther Howell, the daughter of Rachel Howelli was delivered of a male child. This child was known by the neighbours to have been born, but it was never seen by them. Rumour was immediately rife, as re- garded the disposal of the body, and it was thought that the child had been unfairly disposed of. To add to the suspicion already so prevalent in the affair, the daughter left the neighbourhood in company with her father, who it seems, left his own wife to live incestuously with his daughter. The deputy registrar of the district, Mr. Joseph Lewis, called on Rachel Howells, after the father and daughter had left, and after making enquiries, he ascertained that the mother was aware that her daughter had been delivered of an illegitimate child, and also knew perfectly well that her own husband was the father of that daughter's child. She admitted that she had frequently seen her husband catch hold of her daughter and throw her on the bed, but she thought nothing wrong. The old woman confessed that the child was born alive, but obstinately persisted in re- fusing to tell where its body was to be found. She was committed to gaol to take her trial for abetting in the concealment of the birth of the child, and diligent search is being made after the father and daughter. These are the facts as reported. But the wretched father's guilt, or innocence of the supposed crime remains to be proved, and sincerely do we hope that in spite of appearances, the latter may be established. CARMARTHEN.—During the past week an unusual number of prisoners have been brought to the County Gaol On the 18th inst., John a vagrant was sentenced to a month's hard labour in the house of correction- On the 19th, Joh?i Chobun, was sentenced to a month's imprisonment, for having been in the shop of Mr. William Edward Hughes, of Llancllv, for an unlawful purpose. On the 20th Thomas Powell, John James, John Thomas, Thomas Thomas, John Thomas, and Evan Davies, were fully committed for trial charged with having on the 11th of August, riotously assembled, with others, at Pantyfen, and then and there entered the house of Daniel Harries, and stolen therefrom one sovereign. David Thomas, John James, Evan Davw> John Thomas, Thomas Thomas, and Thomas Powell, were charged further with stealing five sovereigns from Pantyfen. On the 19th Thomas Jones, Francis Davisv and David Jones, were fully committed by Lewis Lewis, Esq., charged with having, on the morning of Sunday, the 14th of January instant, at about four o'clock in the afternoon, (as the committing magistrate's warrant expresses it) entered the house of one Jonah Williams, in the parish of Mothvey, and stolen from a drawer 18s. in silver and 2d in copper. On the 19th David Thomas was committed for having stolen 2 pairs of worsted stockings, the property of David Jenkins. David Evans, of Penrhiwfach, tailor, was committed for having robbed the house of Daniel Harris, at Pantyfen, on the night of the 11th of August. Harriett Gindieg was committed, charged with stealing a pair of shoes the property of William Bowen ofLlan- dilo, Sophia Jane Meeker, was also committed charged with having received them knowing them to have been stolen. Henry Recs, was committed from Llanelly for refusing to maintain his wife and child.-An ad- journed meeting of the Carmarthenshire Quarter Ses- sions was held on Wednesday, at Carmarthen. The magistrates chose to transact all the business in private. The treasurer's accounts were passed, and several notices of motions were given by some of the magis- trates.——At the Theatre the benefits have been rapidly passing off. The manager's takes place on Friday next. A good house may be expected.-Last Monday a man in Priory-street sold his wife for half-a- crown. When the luokg purchaser went to fetch his purchase, he found that the fair one had locked herself up, and would not be induced to come forth at his most earnest i-,iil)oi,ttinities.-Oiie hundred pounds reward has been offered for the apprehension of one of the men charged with stealing sheep from Mr. Thomas, Pantycerrig, who was found dead under very suspicious circumstances. Yesterday nine or ten juvenile Re- beccaites were brought to the County Gaol by the police, charged with having assisted in the destruction of the Porthyrhyd toll house and gate. Four of them were mere boys, the oldest being but 15, and the youngest being 12. The magistrates dismissed the 3 youngest, but committed the others.-A correspondent informs us that the True Ivorites of the Picton Lodge, Carmarthen, and also the non-commissioned officers and privates of the 76th foot, stationed here, are willing and anxious to assist in the subscription for re-beau- tifving the Picton Monument. The recruiting party of the 41st will also subscribe one day's pay towards the proposed object. If we were in search of a striking illustration how excessive refinement, the ingelllw, didicisse, polishes the modes of thought as well as the manners, not suffering them to partake of a single particle of coarseness, nee shut esse feros, we should certainly cite the highly ci- vilised and most important town of Carmarthen as the most striking within many a mile. Why ?" Stop a moment, Mr. Reader, and you shall see. Last Mon- day two persons being in the Commission and out of humour quarrelled a little at the Workhouse; one of them gave a word, the other a blow, then they changed about a bit, and there was a regular blow up, but w ithou t ere a knock down" as Tom Crib said of Dutch Sam's last I cross.' No sooner did the news of this little affair reach Carmarthen than its refinement was shocked, its intelli- gence disgusted, its politeness paralysed by amazement, and its consequence all but in convulsions. How un- dignified! cried one.—( dignity in a workhouse!) "How shocking said a lady in a shrill voice from behind a counter on which lay Hints of Etiquette"-a most valuable work! I protest against pugilism in every form whatsumever" said a patriotic town-councillor. It is contrary to the statute made and provided for such cases. And what's more, it's not genteel Now, for our parts, we think nothing was more natural than the affair altogether. We will take the part of neither; but of both. Perhaps a fellow-feeling makes us" thus wond'rous kind" for we ourselves like speaking out and striking out also the tongue and the fist too, especially the latter, may be very useful. The art of self defence is a good art, and we have devoted a good deal of time to its study in our youth. We have thought more than once of giving lessons, and we now take the opportunity of saying that if either of the two gentlemen who sparred at the Union last Mon- day, will bring their gloves with them, we will have a set to' any day in the week but Thursday, when our pugilism is exclusively confined to pen and paper. We engage to make them better boxers in one short month than they are ever likely to be Justices of the Peace, if they live to the age of Methusalem. One of them who like Butler's hero, is Great on the bench—great on the saddle" we'll warrant will soon be, under our fistic tuition, as scientific as the champion of England. Of the other, we will say nothing but if elongation of limb, length of reach, and a most determined devil-and-mau-defying look are of any use in the milling line," he too need not turn his back on a Mendoza even. But we forget we are shocking the town,"—" the Public characters" & its proprieties are absolutely shocked 0 me the refine- ments of the most polished people in the most polished town in the principality !—" If you 're a gentleman behave as sich." Whom pray do you mean ? "Not us", you say; very well, then we make 'our best bow, singing as the sub- lime Watts sang- Let dogs delight to bark and bite, For 'tis their nature to Let angry tigers growl and fight, For God has made them so: But Justices should never let Such angry passions rise, Their Worships' tongues were never made To damn each other's eyes.

[Advertisement.] "TO THE EDITOR OF THE WELSHMAN." -Sir, I have just been informed that a paragraph appeared in your paper of the 5tli inst., stating that Mr. Saunders Davies, and I, stand pledged to make up the amount of JE:500 for the purchase of the Weir from Mr. Lloyd, of Coed more. Your correspondent had no authority for such an assertion, and I beg on my part to contradict it.—Yours obediently, EDWARD LLOYD WILLIAMS. London. 20th January, 1844.

SPRING ASSIZES, 1841. South ales—Mr. Justice Williams. North Wales—Mr. Justice Maule. Mr. Justice Erskine remains in town and will attend business in chambers. SIIONI SCYBORFAWR'S CONFESSION.—Mr. William Chambers has again visited Shotii, and the girl who used to lend him the clothes for the purpose of dis- guise in his nightly excursions has been allowed to see him in gaol. It is supposed she will inform against several of his companions; in fact, we believe warrants have already been drawn out upon her depositions- lvhat weight the evidence of Shoni's mistress may have will hereafter be determined, but there is no doubt that many most respectable people will be put to a great deal of trouble: and the sooner the Secretary of State puts an extinguisher upon this Chambering the better. We are informed that two witnesses who attended on the behalf of f-ihoni SC) uorfawr were prevented by I the London police from entering the hall, as well as many other witnesses attending on behalf of this prl. soncr, who was tried at the last assizes,