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THE DECLARATION OF THE POLL

BRECON COUNTY ELECTION.

TALGARTH.~

BRECON BOROUGH ELECTION

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was passed, which has greatly extended the elective franchise of this country. By this measure many of you now possess the privilege who would have been excluded under the most comprehensive measure pro- posed by any other Government. It must be in the recollection of most of you how many attempts had been made previously within the last twelve or four- teen years, under several successive Governments, to introduce a measure for amending the laws relating to the representation of the people of this country; but each and all failed through some Radical defect, and chiefly by limiting the franchise by a hard and fast line to some rental figure, below which the occu- pier was to have no voice in choosing his representa- tive. I am aware that the credit of this measure is sometimes claimed by the Liberal party; but that claim is easily disposed of when we remember how fiercely it was contested by them both in Committee and in every stage of its passage through the House of Commons, and above all, when we remember that celebrated gathering of Mr. Gladstone's followers at his house in Carlton Terrace, convened for the sole purpose of making a grand united effort to strangle the measure; but they signally failed, and the Bill at length was passed under which we are this day acting for the first time in the exercise of our political rights and privileges. The next topic to which I would advert is the Irish Church. Mr. Gwyn informs us that he will give hi* conscientious opposition to any measure that may be brought forward in the Imperial Parliament for its disestablishment, &c. I, for one, most cordially approve of this resolve, and that for the reasons given in the address, viz., that it will tend to the serious danger of Protestantism, to the rights of all property, and will by no means conduce to the peace and prosperity of Ireland. If such a measure were passed, I believe it would have the effect of alienating from England the most loyal and orderly, faithful, and intelligent inhabitants of the sister island. England would lose all her friends without con- ciliating any of her'enemies. In the national com- pact by which England and Ireland became one nation, a leading article of its covenants is the maintenance of the Protestant Episcopalian Church as the established religion in Ireland. If this article be eliminated from the bargain the integrity of the compact is violated, and England and Ireland are no longer a united kingdom. Our opponents tell us that in despoiling the Irish Church of her revenues they really mean to benefit the church thereby, and increase her capacities for usefulness. They would console her with the thought that when disencum- bered of her patrimony she will rise in the power of her might and advance with great strides in the glorious work of spreading the knowledge of the truth throughout the land. This is the advice of enemies.—we have neither sought it nor will we accept it. It is that of the robber, who has despoiled the traveller on the road, and bids him accelerate his pace homewards, now that he is dis- encumbered of his load. The effect of the voluntary system in Ireland has been tried and found wanting. The number of Nonconformists, including every persuasion of Protestant Dissenters, doea not exceed 500,000, whilst the members of the Established church are 700,000. I have heard the Rev. Professor Morris, of the Brecon Independent College, state on this very platform, a few months ago, that he him- self once visited Ireland, and for the space of two months preached the Gospel with all dili- gence, but with so little success that he does not believe he left a single convert behind him. Why is the Church of Ireland now assailed? Is it recently that she has become remiss in her work and failed in her mission. Allow me to read a brief statistical statement of her work within the last 60 years:—Within the last 60 years more than 500 additional churches have been erected, and in addi- tion 242 old ones have been restored. Besides these churches 172 school-houses and other buildings were licensed for the use of Divine service. Within the last 35 years more than X,370,000 have been con- tributed by Irish Churchmen for building and endowing churches, without including the munifi- cence of Sir Benjamin L. Guinness in restoring St. Patrick's Cathedral, which would raise that amount to over half a million. Since 1806 the clergy have increased in number by 919. In the diocese of Armagh there were in the year 1868 no less than 60,260 Sunday-school scholars and 5532 gratuitous teachers. There are 35 Protestant orphan societies in Ireland, and sdoce they were established more than 1400,000 had been contributed by Irish Church- men to their support, and over 10,000 orphans had been provided for. On the schools of the Church Education Society daring the last 37 years a sum of XI,049,000 had been expended by members of the Irish Church—the clergy contributing I to their power, yea, and beyond their power.' In conclu- sion I would observe of Mr. Gwyn, that he is now not unknown or untried by us. He has already represented us in the Parliament which has just expired. We have found him true to his promises, and faithful to his convictions. He has acted honestly in the past, and we may with confidence trust him in the future. He has been ready on every occasion to promote our local interests, and to contribute liberally towards every deserving and philanthropic object connected with our town. For these reasons I have the greatest happiness in pro- posing Mr. Howel Gwyn as a fit and proper repre- sentative of the borough of Brecon and town of Llywell in the Commons House of Parliament of this nation—and should there be a contest, as to all appearance there will be, I trust Mr. Gwyn will be returned to-morrow at the poll by a large and tri- umphant majority of honest, conscientious, and independent voters. (Loud applause and great hooting.) J. North, Esq., was received with mingled cheers and hisses. He said he had the greatest pleasure in seconding the nomination of Howel Gwyn, Esq., as a fit and proper person to represent them in Parlia- ment. He had the greatest confidence in that gentleman, having had some experience of him. He believed Mr. Gwyn was willing and anxious to do all that lay in his power for the good of that borough; and he was quite sure, from what he heard, that to-morrow the electors would have the same opinion of him that he had. (Applause and uproar.) Dr. Lucas also failed to get a hearing, and he addressed his remarks to the reporters. He said Brother burgesses -Amidst all our other differences of opinion, I have no doubt that we are agreed upon one thing, and that is in satisfaction at the near approach of the end of the contest for which we have been preparing during the last three months. We are assembled this morning on an occasion which is perhaps the most interesting and important that can occur in the national life of a free people. We have to choose a man whom we think best fitted to represent us-our wishes, our interests, and the interests of the nation at large, in the Commons House of Parliament. Many of you possess this privilege of voting now for the first time, It is a privilege which you certainly would have obtained perhaps some years later, but you could not have been possessed of it at this time through any efforts of the Liberal party. Even had there been no Adullamites in the House of Commons in 1866, the Tory party in the House of Lords was sufficiently powerful to have obstructed all their endeavours. It became necessary, therefore, in the interests of Reform that our Liberal ministers should for a while resign their offices, in order to fight their way more effectually through a Tory administration to the victory which has now been gained for you. May you be guided to make a right use of it! You are often told that you hold this franchise not for your own private and selfish purposes, but as a very sacred trust in behalf of our great Commonwealth, and that therefore it is right that you should record your votes openly in the face of the people, to whom under God you are 1 responsible for the manner in which you do st). That is the theory and I entirely approve of it. But how are you so to exercise it, if coercion, intimidation in its various forms threats of personal loss—of a convenient field or two here of a desirable small tenement there, of your comfortable cottage with its pleasant garden, loss of employment and even baser and more soul-destroying iuflUences' are brought to bear upon you, to compel you to vote, not according to your wishes or your principles nor in obedience to your consciences, but in slavish submission to the will of those who may have you more or less in their power. There is, I fear, but one remedy tor so sad a state of things,—the pro- tection of the ballot. Theoretically, I greatly dislike » but practically, whether we dislike it or not, come it must. I look upon it as an inevitable con- sequence of household suffrage; and the tyrannical etic( interference with your freedom of voting will render it a social necessity. If it come for evil, instead of for good, the responsibility will rest upon those whose evil doings will have brought it to pass. In making these remarks on a great national sin, am not assuming a monopoly of electioneering purit; for the Liberal party ;—I remember Totnes too wel for that but When caps into the crowd are thrown, What each man fits, he calls his own. I am not going to enquire whom the caps fit; let eacf man try that for himself. You have now before you two candidates. In support of the Liberal cause, we propose Mr. Price, of Castlemadoc, a, gentleman living in our immediate neighbourhood, and a descendant from one of our oldest Brecknockshire families. At the last election, glancing at our truly nobis English candidate, Lord Alfred Churchill,—and a more ex- cellent, generous, true-hearted, Christian gentleman never presented himself to a constituency,—Colonel Pearce ended his speech, proposing Mr. Gwyn, with an emphatic assertion, that he was a Welshman." Well, now, in Mr. Price we have that crowning mercy, whatever may be its worth. But we propose Mr. Price on more substantial grounds. From his earliest manhood,—and I have watched his career from that period with warm interest, always looking forward to such a day as this,—he has made political science a subject of earnest and diligent study; and with an intellect thus trained and cultivated, and with deeply-rooted convictions, he has embraced and firmly maintained the great political and social principles of our Liberal party. He has done so under circum- stances that to many would have been very discourag- ing, for he has met with scarcely any political sympathy amongst his fellow country gentlemen in this county, and for the most part has been surrounded by Tory connections. But never has he "bated" one jot of heart or hope as to the soundness of his opinions; he has still "borne up, steering right onward." We may therefore rely upon his steadfast- ness to our cause, and we now earnestly call upon you to send him to maintain it for us in the new Parliament. I have been asked what reason we had to be dissatisfied with Mr. Gwyn. I answer that our contest is not one of local politics, but of far higher considerations. As regards himself, I venture to say that we willingly accord to him all the merit which he deserves for his unremitting attention to his Par- liamentary duties. I can truly say that I have, on former occasions, never been backward in public or in private in expressing my respect for his political con- sistency. How far his'more recent career in Parlia- ment, and the abandonment of the most distinctive principles of his whole political life can be reconciled with such consistency, I do not care to ask, and Mr. Gwyn may not think it due to his public character to tell us. As General Peel said, Every man must be the guardian of his own honour." That brave and honest statesman, to keep his honour untarnished, indignantly left his party when he found them making such havoc of their principles. Mr. Gwyn's best friends must surely wish that he could have seen it right to have done the same. He would then have stood much higher as a politician in the estimation of his own party and in that of the public generally. But, as I have said, it is not simply with Mr. Gwyn, but with the supporter of Mr. Disraeli that we have to do. The great question that is now stirring the three kingdoms is, whether we are to be governed under the Premiership of Mr. Disraeli, or of Mr. Gladstone. Some will say we look to measures, not to men. But these two distinguished men repre- sent measures of supreme national importance. They represent two widely different schemes of national policy, and two still more widely different conceptions of political morality. As to the ques- tions of national policy which are agitating the public mind, they have for the last three months been so amply discussed, and brought under your notice in so great a variety of forms, that I will not try your patience by entering upon so large a subject. But I do think that momentous as those questions are, and bound as we are with our convictions, by our duty to our country to main- tain them, this contest expresses our obligation to a far higher duty in the interests of public truth and public honesty. It is our solemn protest against the flagrant political immorality which Mr. Disraeli has built up into a system, and which his followers, by supporting him, have adopted as their own. The adoption by a large party of English gentlemen of this organised hypocrisy" seems to me to be one of the most portentous "signs of the timey." We regard Mr. Disraeli as a dishonest politician—as a dangerous and revolutionary statesman, prepared to urge his followers to take any "leap in the dark," utterly regardless of consequences. His long poli. tical career has failed to win for him the confidence of the nation. By none is he more distrusted than by the party which used to call itself Conservative. Ask any honest Conservative whether he trusts Mr. Disraeli. He will gravely shake his head and say, the less we speak of him the better. Before the last election one of the invariable sentences in the addresses of Conservative candidates was a fervent expression of confidence in Lord Derby. Who does so now in reference to Mr. Disraeli ? No man cries God save him no joyful tongue gives him welcome." They utterly distrust him. They dis- like him to an extent which they cannot conceal, and he knows it. But he also knows that his splendid talents make him seem indispensable to them men who might have had a Cranborne for their leader. And for this they have sacrificed the proud position they once held, and have damaged the cha- racter of our public men to such an extent that no party triumph can ever compensate. He has landed a great party, so long the avowed opponents and haters of democracy in household suffrage, and tells them it has cost him seven years of hard work to educate them to this. If we may judge of the future by the past, and if the almost impossible com- bination should occur of Mr. Disraeli as Prime Minister, with Mr. Gwyn in Parliament as one of his supporters, if the Premier should so will it, we should have Mr. Gwyn voting for a disestablishment of the Irish Church, as much more sweeping than any that has yet been proposed, as household suf- frage goes beyond Mr. Gladstone's modest proposal of a seven pound rental franchise. What a chnage to have been wrought in our old historical Tory party by a touch of the magic wand of their modern harlequin chief. In the new Parliament they will most assuredly be made to feel what they have lost in character, influence, and controlling power. The course they have pursued, with the few bright exceptions of those who scornfully left them, has been most demoralizing. But it is nothing new. Now, as of old, the unjust and tricky steward is commended by his employers, and told that he has done wisely, with a depraved political morality, that, like an Aaron's serpent, seems to swallow up all other moralities. Well may we Liberals be thankful for our great leader Mr. Gladstone. His genius and his goodness were early recognised by a great and good man, the late Baron Bunsen, who said of him, The English nation will come to know how great a man they have amongst them." And the nation has come to know it, and is now on every side pre- paring to ring it out with loud, unmistakeable, and triumphant acclamation. We are proud of our allegiance to his lofty intellectual and moral great- ness. We feel that we can trust, with no cold and half-hearted confidence, in the transparent sincerity of his convictions, in the spotless integrity of his public life, in his sagacious, truthful, and honest statesmanship, and more than all, in the purity and deep earnestness of his religious character. And I tell you, the clergy of my own church, who set your- selves as a wall against him that the day is not far off when you will know that the real interests of our church are safer, far safer, in his hands than in those of your brilliant but unscrupulous leader. I speak as an earnest, and I hope I may add with all due reverence and humility, a devout worshipper in communion with the Church of England—the Church into which I was baptised, and in which I expect to die. I cannot without any special wonder observe the attitude which you have taken with regard to the disestablishment of the Irish Church. ° From any point of view you look like men who are waiting for an answer to their question, "And who is my neighbour? Surely not that plundered, outraged and murdered way-farer on the other side of the Irish Channel!" And is it then for this that y0u have not felt called upon, in the exercise of your vocation, to denounce the tyrannous injustice of forcing with the strong arm of the secular power, that power against which when it touches yourselves you can declaim so fiercely-of forcing our religious system upon an unwilling nation, the vast majority of whom you know regard it as heresy and mortal sin? I entreat you, by the justice which we are required to do, by the mercy which we are required to love, by the humbleness with which we are required to walk, to consider your ways as to this great question now presented to your consciences, and to do with regard to it as you would be done by. I Would you submit to the yoke which you are so jr strenuously endeavouring to fasten upon nearly five I millions of your generous, warm-hearted, and, unless maddened by the sharp stings of injury and oppres- sion, your kindly-disposed fellow subjects ? You kno that you would not. Every feeling of manhood t that is in you revolts from the shameful thought. L And have you so little confidence in the Divine power of the truth which you profess to believe, and which I really do believe to be in our branch of the Christian Church, as to apprehend that, uniess shored up by a monstrous injustice, it must fall ? Oh ye of little faith Hear the words of our great lay preacher- Be just and fear not. Let all the ends thou aim'st at be thy country's, Thy God's, and Truth's. Then, if thou fall'st, thou fall'st A blessed martyr. And now, electors, I would earnestly exhort you, in the words spoken not long ago at Rye by a very able and excellent man, Mr. Gathorne Hardy, "to give your votes honestly and conscientiously, so that on your death-bed you may be able to say that you did your duty at a great and vital crisis, in the face of your country and of your God." I have now only to nominate Hugh Powel Price, Esq., of Castle Madoc, as a fit and proper person to represent the borough of Brecon and town of Llywell in the House of Commons. Mordecai Jones, Esq., rose to second the nomina- tion of Mr. H. P. Price. The same uproar pre- vailed, and he therefore merely said that he had pleasure in seconding Mr. Price's nomination. He was known to them all as a gentleman of high standing in the county his politics were those that they were all in favor of, for he had been a consis- tent Liberal all his life time. The Mayor then thrice asked if there was any burgess who bad anyone else to propose, and the only answer was the shouting of those in the body of the hall. Howel Gwyn Esq., then came forward and was greeted with loud applause, followed by hisses, groans, &c. Despite the uproar he proceeded with his remarks, but was at length obliged to give over in despair. Subjoined is his speech:— Gentlemen, electors of the borough of Brecknock and township of Llywel,-It is now rather more than two years since I stood here as a candidate for your suffrages, to represent your interests in Parliament. You were then kind enough to bestow on me that most important trust, and I hope you have seen no reason to repent of the choice you then made, for I have endeavoured to discharge my duty, both pub- licly and privately, to the best of my ability, and I hope to the satisfaction of the greater part of you; for of course it cannot be expected that any mem- ber can please every one, and he must therefore endeavour to follow that course which in his own judgment he shall consider to be most beneficial to all. Gentlemen,—I am here again now to ask you for a renewal of that trust, and I have no doubt at all, from the kind manner in which I have been received during my lengthened canvass, and from the promises of support I have received, that I shall to-morrow feel myself to be again in the proud posi- tion of your representative. Gentlemen,—The Par- liament that has just expired is now a thing of the past. You know how it was elected under the talis- manic name of Lord Palmerston, when he met his new Parliament with a majority of between 60 and 70, and how after his death it was gradually melted away under the impetuous leadership of Mr. Glad- stone, until at last his Government was beaten by a majority of 11. Most important questions have been brought forward, and a great change has been made in the constitution of the country. Gentlemen,—Of the various questions that at a very early period must command the attention of the new Parliament, none appears to me to be of greater importance than that of the Irish Church. To that measure I shall give,—if I have the honour again of being returned to Parliament,—my most determined, but conscien- tious opposition. I shall do this for several reasons:— 1st,—Because I consider it to be a sham and delu- sion. 2nd,-Because it is against the wishes of the large majority of the Irish people, and will not be attended with the beneficial effects expected from it. 3rd,-Because it must and will considerably extend the power of the Pope and Roman Catholicism in this country. It is a sham and delusion, because it was brought forward in an expiring Parliament as a party move, to try and unite the Opposition,—a broken up and disjointed party, and as one of their own members called them, "a rabble, and enable the Radicals to get back to power. Had Mr. Glad- stone been in office instead of in the cold shades of Opposition we should probably have heard nothing of this question. In 1865, when he was in office, there was an important debate on this subject,—the Irish Church,—in the course of which Sir George Grey used these remarkable words:—"The firm belief of the Government is, that the Irish Church could not be subverted without a revolution, with all the horrors that. attend a revolution." This was not disowned by Mr. Gladstone. The Irish Church is not supported by the Roman Catholic people. They do not pay one farthing towards it; but the Church is supported by the voluntary gifts and efforts of Protestant donors. The late Sir Cornwall Lewis has left on record the following decisive testimony on this point.—"The grievance is commonly stated to be, that the Roman Catholics are compelled to con- tribute by the payment of tithes to the support of a Church from which they differ. Now, in fact, the Romanists, although they may pay tithes, contribute nothing, inasmuch as in Ireland tithe is of the na- ture not of a tax, but of a reserved rent, which never belonged either to landlord or tenant." Therefore the Government have no more right to confiscate and take possession of the property of the Established Church in Ireland than they have to seize on the churches, convents, and monasteries of the Ro- man Catholics in this country; for so long as the Union of the two Kingdoms exists, the Protestant churches of England and Ireland are identical, and therefore we may naturally expect that the Protestant Church in Wales and England will be the next attacked, and so long as the two kingdoms are united, the Roman Catholics are in a large minority of the United Kingdom. The same argument would therefore hold good as to the Roman Catholic Church here as it does to the Protestant Church in Ireland, that it is in a minority of the population, and a similar attack might be made upon the endowments of every other Nonconformist. Secondly, the Roman Catholic population in Ireland have no antipathy whatever to the Clergy of the Protestant Church they always receive the greatest kindness from them, and if they are asked for their assistance and advice in cases of difficulty it is always freely given them by the clergy, and in cases of distress they are ever ready to lend them a helping hand, and make no distinc- tion between the Protestant and Roman Catholic population. As an instance of this, we don't find that the Fenians ever spoke of the Protestant Church as a grievance, but the question of the Land Tenure has always been the burden of their song. It is a remarkable fact that during the terrible years of famine in 1846, 1847, and 1848 large numbers of Roman Catholics owed the preservation of them- selves and their families from starvation to the inde- fatigable and self-denying labours of the clergy of our church. But I have said that this measure will not produce peace in Ireland, for it is not likely that a measure that exasperates one-third of the popula- tion while it does not content the other two-thirds, who long for a new distribution of property, can possibly produce peace in that country. I have as- serted that this measure if it ever becomes law will considerably increase Popery in this kingdom, be- cause in proportion as the Protestant Church in Ireland would, by the contemplated measure, be weakened or destroyed, so would the designs of the Roman Catholic party to become the dominant and ruling eceleeiastical power be assisted and promoted. This subject is openly avowed. In the month of December, 1867, the dignitaries and clergy of the Roman Catholic Church in the south of Ireland signed a declaration to the following effect: "Be- fore the face of Ireland, and the whole world, we make this declaration, in the interests of heaven and earth, the present and the future, we solemnly de- clare that the only means of effectually tranquillising Ireland is by a restoration of Iter nationality Rome will never rest satisfied until Protestantism is extinguished and Rome predominant. Before I conclude this subject I will quote from a speech of Sir Roundell Palmer in his late address to his con- stituents at Richmond. It is much to be regretted that he had not moral courage enough to make this speech in the House of Commons, for had he done so it would, I believe, have secured the votes of many members against the measure, and this fact has been the means of his losing the seat for Ox- ford. It is not fair to disendow the Irish Church. It is not a question of competing classes, but a mere confiscation, when the claim of the Protestants has been undispnted for 300 years-when they had done nothing to disqualify them from the future use of their property, and when, if it, were taken away, there was no recognised body on which to bestow it. He was certainly inclined to think ',that it ought to remain in its present hands. It would surely now be unjust to turn round and say that having established the church by this means, they would now deprive it of the property so given." Whilst, therefore, I will never consent to destroy the Irish Church, root and branch, yet, as I am fully aware that many anomalies exist in it, I shall be prepared to correct them and give a careful con- sideration to, and carry out, the recommendations contained in the Commission which was appointed at the instigation of Lord Russell. The next subject on which I will touch is that of education. I am in favour of the present voluntary system, supplemented by Government aid, and that every child should receive a sound and good education, based upon the principles of religion as contained in the Bible, which will fit him to become a useful member of society. I will shortly allude to a sub- ject about which of late there has been much dis- cussion, viz.: the expenses of the present Govern- ment. Allow me to say that they are very little more than they were in the year before they took office, and were forced on them by the preceding Government. The fortifications that were erected were left without any armament or means of de- fence. It was absolutely necessary that our soldiers should be armed with weapons of the latest con- struction-that a new style of ship should be built, and that the pay of our soldiers should be increased by an advance of 2d. per day, in consequence of which more than 20,000 men have re-enlisted since last year. If all this expenditure was so reckless and uncalled for, why did not Mr. Gladstone object to it in the House of Commons when the estimates were before it, and having a large majority at his command he might have prevented their passing. I consider it therefore unjust and ungenerous in him to now complain of it. Besides all this we must take into account the expenses of the Abyssinian expe-. dition, which was caused entirely by the fault of Lord Russell. Gentlemen, should I again have the honour of a seat in the House of Commons, I shall feel it my duty to give an independent support to the present Government. I consider the members of it to be men of great business habits and ability, and the Foreign Secretary, Lord Stanley, deserves especially the thanks of the whole of Europe for the way which he has conducted our foreign affairs. He had not that "meddle and muddle" system of which Lord Russell was so fond. The American Minister's testimony on this point is most conclusive and honourable to the noble Lord. He said in his speech at Liverpool That so long as he, Lord Stanley, represents the foreign relations of my own Government in this kingdom the preservation of peace between the two is placed beyond the possi- bility of doubt," Gentlemen, the noble lord has restored our prestige, and made this country what it formerly was before the "meddle and muddle" policy of my Lord Russell-feared abroad, and respected at home. I will detain you no longer, but should I be returned as your representative to- morrow, of which I have hardly a doubt, I will promise you to support all measures that I may consider beneficial to the country, proper economy in all branches of the State, and every measure that will tend to make our country the wonder and admiration of the world. Hugh Powel Price, Esq., next rose to speak. Owing to the din, he did not attempt to speak to the audience, but only in the ears of the reporters. He said Electors of Brecon,—I appear before this constituency, having been invited to stand by a large number of the inhabitants of Brecon. They have assured me that it was a Liberal constituency, and the experience I have derived from my canvass has thoroughly confirmed that fact. I have been told I had no business to disturb the peace of the borough that I had no business to disturb the muddy waters of Toryism. But if anything shows that I was justified in coming forward it would have been the magnificent demonstration which took place on Monday night last. I have so often addressed public meetings within this last three months, and I have so fully expressed to you my political opinions, that there is no necessity for any further allusion to them. I have nothing to advance, and I have nothing to retract; but by them I am prepared to stand or fall. I am fully persuaded that to-morrow's poll will show my political opinions are those of the inhabitants of this borough. The great question at issue is-is Mr. Disraeli or Mr. Gladstone to govern this country ? I ask you to return me as a member to support Mr. Gladstone in his great policy of retrenchment to Ireland. That is the great question of this election, and all other questions fade into insig- nificance. We have been told that the ministers of religion ought not to meddle in politics but when I look at the large array of ecclesiastics opposite to me, it shows to me that they are perfectly ready to mingle in politics when it suits their convenience to do so. I have only now to thank my proposer and seconder, and all my supporters fo'r attending here to-day, and to assure them that by their assistance I shall be victorious to-morrow. The Mayor then took the show of hands for each candidate, and the voting was quite three to one in favour of Mr. Hugh Powel Price. The cheers then set up by the Liberals, accompanied by the waving of hats and handkerchiefs, was deafening, and they were renewed with equal energy when the Mayor announced the show of hands in favour of Mr. H. P. Price. A poll was then demanded on behalf of Mr. Howel Gwyn, and the Mayor's announcement thereof was received with hooting and cheers. The Mayor then stated where the polling places would be,-at the Guildhall; at the Bull's Head, Struet; in Llanfaes, and at Trecastle and that polling would commence at eight o'clock. Mr. Howel Gwyn proposed a vote of thanks to the Mayor, and Mr. H. P. Price seconded the pro- posal. The proceedings, which had been most noisy and tumultuous throughout, then terminated. The Liberals first of all went out of the hall, and proceeded to the Wellington Hotel, from over the portico of which Mr. H. P. Price, Dr. Lucas, Mr. Mordecai Jones, and Mr. J. Davies addressed their supporters respecting what had been said at the meeting. The Conservatives afterwards left the hall, and accompanied Mr. Gwyn in procession to his residence. THE POLLING DAY. From an early hour on Wednesday Brecon was all astir. Voting commenced at eight o'clock, at the Guildhall, at a booth erected at the bottom of the Priory Hill, and at a booth nearly opposite the New Greyhound, Llanvaes, the two candidates being at the former place most of the day. Several public- houses in the town were used as committee rooms by the Conservative party but, so far as we know, the Liberals had no committee room save the shop lately used by Mr. Morris, druggist, at the top of Ship-street. A large importation into the town of roughs took place, most of whom wore ribbons of yellow and blue. These took up their positions near the booths, or patrolled the town in parties of half-a-dozen or so in other ways making a good deal of demonstration. For the first two or three hours everything passed off very quietly. About half-past eleven o'clock, however, a disturbance was created in High-street principally, we believe, by one of the aforesaid roughs, who was so drunk that he could scarcely walk, and who wanted to fight with a "blue." A woman-apparently his wife- and other persons, did all they could to quiet him, but for a long time without any effect. A crowd of course collected, which swayed from one side of the street to the other, endangering the shop windows. A general shop-closing movement then took place in High-street, which soon extended to other parts of the town, until scarcely a single shop remained open, and business was entirely suspended for the rest of the day. The crowd gradually increased in High- street, and the usual party cries of True blue for ever," Yellow and blue," were frequently heard. Occasionally a fight upon a greater or lesser scale took place,—sometimes between boys, and at others between men,—and the combatants were soon sur- rounded by a great crowd of persons, who either quietly looked on or still further incited them. On one or two occasions, when it was an unequal warfare that was being waged-such as three to one, an interference took place for the sake of fair play. Towards middle day great excitement was caused by the rumour that two Conservatives bad been taken into custody, and lodged in gaol, who had been caught in the act of bribing, with a list of persons to be bribed upon them, and the amounts paid them; and this rumour turned out to be generally correct. During the dinner hour the gathering of people in High-street—both sexes and all sizes- greatly increased, and continued to do so all the afternoon, until about three o'clock tr half-past three it was difficult to pass. At the top of Ship-street also, and in Llanvaes, as well as the Struet, there were numerous idlers talking over the chances of a Liberal or Conservative victory, raising party cries, cheering voters of their own colour, aud expressing disapprobation of those who were opposed to them. Occasionally a cheer, or a larger crowd than usual would be seen, and a rush immediately took place in that direction. As a whole, however, the day went off tolerably quiet, but we must say it would have gone off much more so had it not been for the "strangers," whose room was more desirable than their company. From the commencement Mr. Gwyn took the lead, and the first announcement of the state of the poll, at nine o'clock, which was made by the Conserva- tives, showed him to have a majority of 33. During the next hour this majority decreased to 25, but then again rose. Thus it continued to vary throughout the day-the statements of the Liberals differing considerably from those of the Conservatives. As an instance of this we may mention that at half-past three o'clock the Conservative statement issued gave Mr. Gwyn a majority of 50, while that of the Liberals only made it 17. No separate statements were issued at the three polling places, and the proportion of voters for the respective candidates in these districts cannot be given. It may be stated, however, that Llanvaes was a stronghold for Mr. Gwyn, the majority in his favour in that parish being to a great extent neutralised by a majority for the Liberals in St. Mary's. St. John's also presented a majority for Mr. Price. Subjoined are the hourly returns of the state of the poll LIBERAL RETURNS. 9.0 10.0 11.0 12.0 3.0 3.30 Close, Gwyn (C) 72 169 246 282 332 346 352 Price (L) 64 130 234 261 315 329 329 Majority. 14 CONSERVATIVE RETURN. 9.0 10.0 11.0 12.0 1.0 2.0 3.30 Close Gwyn (C) 113 219 271 294 322 331 350 Price (L) SO 194 246 258 272 272 315 Precisely at four o'clock the Mayor declared the poll closed, and stated that the official announcement would take place at 10 o'clock the following morning at the Guildhall. Mr. H. P. Price said Before you leave I have a few remarks to make personal to myself. I very rarely make personal observations. I like to keep myself in the back ground. But a grave and serious charge has been made against me, and I wish to deny it in the most unqua- lified and emphatic manner possible. My honourable opponent has charged me with being the means of leading the procession past his residence for the purpose of insulting Mrs. Gwyn. That statement is untrue and false. (Applause, followed by hooting and cries of "bribery.") Mr. Price then left the hall, and was accompanied by a large number of persons, shouting "true blue," to the Wellington Hotel. It was thought by many that Mr. Price would address them, but after wait- ing a little time, and that gentleman not making his appearance, many left the spot. Shortly after- wards, however, Mr. Price got upon the top of the portico, and was received with loud cheers. He said: Although, my friends, the state of the poll to-morrow will no doubt be against us,—against us numerically,—yet that does not show the feeling in this borough. (Cheers.) I believe that feeling is in my favour, and if those feelings and wishes had been allowed to have their natural vent I feel sure that I should have been returned by a large majority. (Loud applause.) Influences have, however, been used against us which it was impossible to make head against: of that you will h • .• more again. Of one thing I feel persuaded, and that is, that no Tory will ever sit long for this borough. (Great cheering.) I thank you all most heartily and most cordially for the support you have accorded me on this occasion. (Applause.) After four o'clock a considerable diminution was observable in the crowd in High Street and other parts, but large numbers still remained standing about, expressing their gratification at the result, or talking over the chances of an attempt to unseat Mr. Gwyn for bribery. In the course of the even- ing several fights took place but we have not heard of any serious injuries being sustained,— nothing beyond black eyes and bloody noses. It was not till a late hour, however, that the streets resumed their wonted quietness.